A prominent Hong Kong-based journalist has called on Daniel Doctoroff, Chief Executive Officer of Bloomberg L.P., to step down from his role as chairman of the Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) annual International Press Freedom Awards dinner on Tuesday in New York because his company is engulfed in a press freedom controversy of its own, involving its China reporting team.
Ying Chan, who was an honoree at the same dinner 15 years ago, called on Doctoroff to relinquish CPJ’s podium in the wake of the suspension of Hong Kong-based Bloomberg reporter Michael Forsythe on November 13. Forsythe was a leading member of the company’s respected China news team. Bloomberg employees told The New York Times that Bloomberg’s Editor-in-Chief Matthew Winkler said the company would not publish the China team’s latest long-term investigations on the financial ties of China’s top leaders to powerful business interests. The employees characterized Winkler’s moves as self-censorship to protect the company’s interests in China, the world’s second-largest economy, which lacks a free press.
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The company’s alleged refusal to offend the Chinese Communist Party reveals the limitations of “journalistic access.”
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In one month, New York City voters will pick a new mayor. On the left, Bill de Blasio has campaigned as the anti-Bloomberg, promising to change current policies on schools and policing. On the right, Joe Lhota has alternately praised and criticized the current mayor, expressing support of certain policies while at the same time trying to distance himself from the current administration’s middling approval rates. No matter who gets elected, New York’s next mayor will run a city that has changed a lot in the last 12 years. While Michael Bloomberg’s successor might be able to rewrite certain policies, many of the mayor’s efforts will have a lasting effect on the city.
But there are higher stakes for Bloomberg’s legacy beyond the five boroughs. Looking ahead to CityLab, The Atlantic’s summit on local-level innovation to be held in New York City from October 6-8, it seems important to ask whether this is even possible: Can one city’s experiments affect the way cities are run across the world?* A growing number of scholars and theorists seem to think so.
In fact, Bloomberg’s effort to expand the power of cities may be his most lasting legacy.
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Jamal Richards of Brownsville, Brooklyn could have been a poster child for the regime of fear that stop-and-frisk created in minority neighborhoods during the past decade. In his early teens, Jamal was stopped four or five times a week. “24/7, 365. That’s a lot of stops, you do the math,” he said.
The Brownsville police, defending the tactic for getting guns off the streets, called it “collateral damage” or “being in the wrong place at the wrong time,” as officer Leonard Dyce put it.
This is stop-and-frisk central. For every 100 residents, police make 93 stops, more than 15 times as many as in New York City in general. Under Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Police Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly the stop-and-frisk program expanded 500 percent, stopping 533,042 people in 2012 compared to 97,296 in 2002. Of more than five million people stopped in New York City during that decade, 4.3 million were black or Hispanic. Nearly 90 percent of those being stopped are released without a summons or an arrest.
Earlier this week, a federal judge ruled NYPD’s stop-and-frisk tactics unconstitutional in the landmark class-action trial Floyd vs. the City of New York, stating that officers conducted indirect racial profiling, disproportionately and illegally targeting blacks and Hispanics who wouldn’t be stopped had they been white.
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One believes a woman’s right to choose should be protected for future generations; one does not. That difference, given the likelihood of Supreme Court vacancies, weighs heavily on my decision.
One recognizes marriage equality as consistent with America’s march of freedom; one does not. I want our president to be on the right side of history."
The people demand vibrators! Perhaps you haven’t been following: Trojan was set to give out a bunch of free vibrators “from hot-dog-style pushcarts” on city streets yesterday, which they did … for a while. Until, Amber Sutherland, Jennifer Bain, and Todd Venezia write, things got out of hand—the crowds were too large, apparently, and the promotion was shut down before its 4 p.m. Flatiron giveaway could ensue.
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By now everyone’s well aware of Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s new plan to ban the sale of sodas larger than 16 ounces in New York City. So far the proposal doesn’t seem very pop-ular — it’s just too easy with this story — but the mayor himself is pushing past the criticism like he’s been there before.
That’s probably because he has. As Sarah Kliff pointed out the other day at Wonkblog, Bloomberg’s time as mayor has been filled with the passage of public health initiatives that were at the head of the national curve, and sometimes even set it. While many of these efforts were greeted with skepticism, a great number of cities (not to mention states and even countries) eventually came to embrace similar policies.
Using this history as its guide, Atlantic Cities embarked on an attempt to deduce which major city might be the next to follow in Bloomberg’s cup holder and pursue a ban on large sugary drinks. Read more.
Look at Mayor Michael Bloomberg, standing behind a podium, as he so often does in his job. It’s in that upright posture that he’s spoken about bans on smoking, trans-fats, and now large containers of sweetened liquid. Perhaps it is all an elaborate attempt to distract us from something even less healthy. For elsewhere in New York, countless workers toil at the machine that helped their namesake become a billionaire — the Bloomberg terminal, ubiquitous in finance. And get this: almost all of them are sitting down.
Yes, they are seated.
And “over a lifetime, the unhealthful effects of sitting add up,” The New York Times Magazine reported last April in a story titled, “Is Sitting a Lethal Activity.” […]
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